CIA flew tons of cocaine into Marine base, fueling the crack cocaine epidemic. Marine Colonel James E. Sabow murdered to prevent him from blowing the whistle.
(IRVINE, CA) - The crack cocaine epidemic
was fueled by the shipment of tons of white powder into US military bases to
avoid detection, confiscation and arrest by the Drug Enforcement Agency
(DEA). Cocaine was diluted into crack
cocaine, a rock crystal, by drug dealers, smoked by thousands at $10 to $20 a
‘rock’ and led to the addictions, crime, imprisonment and the destruction of
thousands of lives.[1]
Crack cocaine was the perfect narcotic to sell
to those without the money to buy expensive white powder in need of a ‘high,’ a
spike of dopamine and euphoria for 15 or 20 minutes. The only problem was that crack cocaine
required more and more hits for the narcotic to ‘take them to a better place.’ The negative health effects
of cocaine usage include heart attacks, strokes, and sudden death.
Massive quantities of cocaine were transported
into the US, sold to drug dealers who cooked the cocaine into crack and sold it
on the streets of America. ‘Freeway’
Ricky Ross in South Central LA became a heroic multi-millionaire in the ghetto,
selling crack nationwide before he was arrested in a sting operation.[2]
His supplier was Oscar Danilo Blandon, a
Nicaraguan with CIA connections. Blandon had no control over CIA proprietary
aircraft but others in the government did and they needed the money from
cocaine to help fund an undeclared war in Nicaragua.
This was not loose change but billions of
dollars; more than enough money to support the Nicaraguan Contras with weapons
and supplies, keep CIA proprietary aircraft fully operational, pay for aircrews
and fuel, and when necessary, murder those who were a threat to blow the
whistle, including a DEA agent who got too close to linking the cocaine
trafficking to the US government and a Marine colonel who learned that CIA
proprietary aircraft were using the cover of a covert operation to fly cocaine
into his base and refused to back down and walk away.
The Proof of Government
Trafficking
The evidence that the US government was involved in cocaine
trafficking includes the sworn testimony from a DEA agent who recorded the tail
numbers of civilian aircraft ferrying cocaine from El Salvador into the US; the
personal account of a CIA contract pilot who risked his life to tell about the
cocaine smuggling into US military bases; a newspaper reporter and retired
military investigator who read a top secret Defense Department (DOD) document,
ordering two military bases not to record the landings and take-offs of
civilian aircraft; a Marine MP who witnessed landings and the offloading of
civilian C-130s by long haired civilians in the early morning hours and was
told to keep his ass off the runway; the diary entries of Lt. Colonel Oliver
North referencing narcotic shipments in support of Contra operations; the
kidnapping and murder in Mexico of a DEA agent who got too close to the source
of government cocaine trafficking; the violent deaths of Marine officers and
enlisted men who were a threat to blow the whistle on cocaine trafficking; and
the testimony of Michael Ruppert, former LA narcotics detective, on a C-Span
video supporting the criminal activity of the CIA in drug trafficking in the
Los Angeles.[3]
While CIA proprietary aircraft flew the cocaine into bases like El
Toro, March AFB and Homestead AFB, the Reagan administration promoted an
anti-drug campaign, “Just Say No.’ Public disclosure of the illegal cocaine
flights would have been a political disaster, resulting in indictments, and
convictions of very powerful people.
The Sandinistas
In 1979, the Sandinistas overthrew Anastasio
Somoza, establishing a socialist government in Nicaragua. The Sandinistas are
named after Augusto César Sandino who led the Nicaraguan resistance in the
1930s against the United States occupation of Nicaragua. Ronald Reagan saw the
Sandinistas as Marxist-Leninists, a threat to this hemisphere, working with the
Soviet Union and Cuba to spread their revolution throughout Central America. If
this nightmare came to pass, then the US would be threatened by Communist
forces in this hemisphere or, at least, that was the line of reasoning. This fear was not shared by much of the
American public and Congress who were not interested in getting involved in
another Vietnam.
This was not the 1930s, the US couldn’t invade
Nicaragua and overthrow the government but the Reagan administration seized on
an opportunity to support covert actions against Nicaragua. There was no need to put US boots on the
ground in Nicaragua when the Contras, rebel groups
opposing the Nicaragua's FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional) could be supported with weapons and supplies to
do the job. President Reagan saw the Contras as good guys[4] wearing ‘white
hats’ who figuratively rode into town to overthrow the bad guys in Nicaragua.
The CIA was given the authorization to support
the Contras. President Reagan signed a
top secret National Security Decision Directive 17 (NSDD-17) in 1981,[5] which gave
the Central Intelligence Agency the authority
to recruit and support a 500-man force of Nicaraguan rebels to conduct
covert actions against the leftist Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. A budget of
$19 million was established for that purpose. NSDD-17 marked the beginning of
official US support for the Contras.
The decision came several months after President
Reagan directed the CIA to develop a plan to stop what his administration
believed to be a serious flow of arms from Nicaragua to rebels in neighboring
El Salvador. The authorization provided funding and authority for the CIA to organize,
train and arm Nicaraguan exiles. CIA
Director William Casey in briefing the congressional intelligence committees
said the operation was intended to stop the flow of arms from Nicaragua to El
Salvador. Nothing was said about the arming of Contras to overthrow the
Nicaraguan regime. Nicaragua has no contiguous border with El Salvador; the
only access is by land through Honduras or by sea. Was the interdiction of arms to the rebels in
El Salvador a smokescreen when the objective was the overthrow of the
Nicaraguan government?
Formed in 1981 to resist the Sandinistas, the
Contras were composed of ex-guardsmen of the Nicaraguan National Guard;
Nicaraguans who had supported the revolution but felt betrayed by the
Sandinista government; and Nicaraguans who opposed the Sandinistas'
increasingly socialistic, anti-democratic regime.
The Reagan administration’s intent was to supply
weapons and support to the Contras to overthrow the leftist Nicaraguan
government, even if Congress didn’t want to. The Contras had easy access to
cocaine drug cartels in Central America and the easy solution for them and
their backers in the US government was to fund the war by the sales of
cocaine.
Murder and Cocaine
The story of murder and cocaine is linked to Ronald Reagan and
George H. W. Bush and their support for a war in Nicaragua in the 1980s, the
sale of weapons to Iran and the diversion of profits from these sales to
support anti-Sandinista and anti-communist rebels, the Contras. The sale of arms to Iran for any reason even
for the release of hostages was illegal and support for the Contra War was
forbidden by the Congressional Boland Amendments.
The involvement of the US government in the
Contra War became front page news when a Fairchild C-123 cargo plane was shot
down over Nicaragua on October 5, 1986. Eugene Hasenfus, a former Marine and
cargo handler, was the sole survivor of the crash. Contrary to standing orders, Hasenfus had on
his parachute when the aircraft was hit by a ground to air missile. Three other crew members died in the
crash. Hasenfus was quickly picked-up,
searched and grilled for information by the Sandinistas. He publically stated
that he flew out of Ilopango airfield in El Salvador, working for two CIA agents, “Max Gomez” (Felix Rodriquez) and
“Ramon Medina” (Rafael Quintero).
Rodriquez was the liaison between the Contras and Lt. Colonel Oliver
North and the National Security Council.
Colonel James E. Sabow
Colonel Sabow, a straight arrow Marine officer,
didn’t learn of the use of CIA proprietary C-130s to fly cocaine into Marine
Corps Air Station El Toro, CA, until January 21, 1991, the day before he was
murdered. Once he learned of the illegal
cocaine trafficking, Colonel Sabow told others that he intended to blow the
whistle. His decision cost him his life.
Those who murdered Colonel Sabow had no idea
that Dr. David Sabow, his younger brother and a board certified neurologist,
would engage them in tireless battle to seek justice for his brother, revealing
the duplicity of senior military leadership, government agents and
Congressional representatives. Unsuccessful attempts were made by the shadow
government to pull his medical license, coerce one of his patients to falsely
accuse him of writing prescriptions for pain medications, intimate him and Sara
by falsely accusing Colonel Sabow of felonies and preventing them from telling
their story to the media.
The crime scene investigation by the government
was staged to support the official suicide scenario. A message from El Toro’s Commanding General
to the Commandant of the Marine Corps reporting suicide of Colonel Sabow was
drafted eight hours before his death. The Naval Investigative Service (NIS), a
civilian pathologist and sheriff/coroner signed off on the fairy tale, staged
suicide. The autopsy stated the cause of
death as shotgun wound to the head and death certificate stated suicide as the
manner of death on January 23rd before the NIS investigation was completed. The
NIS didn’t even consider homicide. From
their perspective, this was a suicide from the very beginning. Despite the physical and forensic evidence
supporting homicide, his death is officially listed as a suicide by the
government but it has more holes in it than a block of Swiss cheese.
Colonel Sabow was found dead by his wife Sara in
the backyard of their home at El Toro. The cause of his death was alleged to
have been from a shotgun wound to the head or that was the official story of the
investigating agencies, including the Provost Marshal and the Naval
Investigation Service (NIS). The death
occurred on a US military base but the body was transported to a civilian
pathologist in Orange County. This
arrangement had been used in the past but this was a gunshot death of a senior
Marine officer who left no suicide note; was not depressed despite unsupported
government statements to the contrary; was a devout Catholic who would have
never consider suicide; and was seen by his wife and daughter the morning of
his death to be upbeat, watching the latest TV news on the Gulf Air War.
Gene Wheaton, a former Marine and retired Army
warrant officer with years of investigative experience and contacts in the CIA
and the military, reported that Colonel Sabow was murdered by a government
assassination team. Wheaton reported the operation of “an extremist
intelligence cell concealed within the Pentagon/DoD which murders loyal U.S.
Government officers who threaten to expose illegal covert operations.”
In fact, the suicide assumption was made within
minutes after the investigation had started and long before an autopsy was
performed and before forensic and fingerprint evidence or ballistic reports
were available. The Orange County Coroner was summoned to participate in the
crime scene investigation and to conduct an autopsy. Contrary to specified
policy, neither the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology (AFIP) nor the regional
military forensic pathologist were invited to participate in the official examination
or review the autopsy report and its conclusions.
The government’s suicide fairy tale had the
colonel sitting in his patio chair, killing himself with his own shotgun. But, a Marine MP observed an NIS special
agent place the patio chair on the colonel’s body and his wife, the first
person to discover her husband’s body, remembers the patio chair several feet
from the body. The gunshot residue (GSR), blood splatter evidence, lack of finger
prints on the shotgun, massive contusion on the right side of his head, and
blood in the right lung, support that he was knocked unconscious from a violent
blow to the right side of his head and while lying on the ground, the shooter
shoved his shotgun into his mouth and discharged by it.
A crime scene investigation by the California
Highway Patrol or other competent organization would have quickly reached the
conclusion that this was a homicide and began the search for persons of
interests, but this was a set-up for suicide and the Naval Investigative
Service (NIS) is guilty of conspiracy to commit murder by crime scene
tampering, allowing others to clean-up the crime scene while ordering most of
the NIS team to leave the crime scene, wait across the street until told to
return, and filing a false investigative report. The conclusion is that the
order to murder Colonel Sabow had to come from very high up in the chain of
command; this was not a suicide; the premediated murder was done by
professionals. Colonel Sabow was a threat to blow the whistle on cocaine
trafficking by the US government, which could have brought the Bush
administration to its knees in the middle of the Gulf War.
Dr. David Sabow, a board certified neurologist
and younger brother of the colonel, has invested 25 years and over $800,000 in
exposing those who sanctioned this gruesome murder. He had never intended to get involved in a
project that would result in his total disenchantment with our government. He proved beyond a shadow of a doubt that his
brother was murdered. He fully expected
to be joined by the Corps, the Department of Defense, the Justice Department
and the US Attorney General in a massive effort to apprehend the murderers and
expose their motives. Instead, he
experienced a concerted effort to hide evidence, intimidate his family, as well
as lie repeatedly about the obvious facts.
When he thought that nothing worse could happen
and at a point when it became obvious that he would never give up, other
Marines who were stationed at El Toro at the time of Colonel Sabow’s death and
who had knowledge of the illegal activities started dying. One was found dead after being shot twice
through the head. Another was found
hanged in El Toro’s BOQ. While an Army
veteran with the same name as a Marine veteran who participated in the
transport of narcotics was found hanging from a rafter in his parent’s barn
shortly after his discharge from the military. The Marine veteran and Native
American who participated in the shipment of narcotics from El Toro to a
warehouse in Mexico is armed, living on a Native American reservation and
prepared to defend his life against all comers. A Camp Pendleton Marine was run
off the road and killed while driving to meet a private investigator with a
copy of the manifest of the four members of the government hit team who
murdered Colonel Sabow.
Sara Sabow and Dr. Sabow were invited to a
meeting at El Toro six weeks after Colonel Sabow’s murder. Brigadier General Wayne Adams, the Commanding
General at El Toro, crime scene investigators from the NIS, two other generals
and a lawyer from the Justice Department, Colonel Wayne Rich, who was a Marine
Reservist, called to active duty to handle this situation for the Corps. The meeting lasted five hours without a break. Within minutes it became obvious that the
purpose of the meeting was to convince Sara and Dr. Sabow that Colonel Sabow
was guilty of misuse of criminal activity and he committed suicide to avoid
prosecution. The mission was to prevent the Sabows from going to the media; it
had exactly the opposite effect. Several months later, Dr.
Sabow received a package from an anonymous source with copies of the
handwritten notes of Colonel Rich describing the ‘game plan’ for the
meeting. It was obvious from these notes
that Colonel Rich was not concerned with truth or fact finding, but was there
to perpetrate lies, slandering Colonel Sabow’s integrity and reputation hoping
that this would intimidate Dr. Sabow from going to the media. This package contained two letters by General
Adams to the South Dakota Board of Medicine requesting that Dr. Sabow’s medical
license be revoked.
Lockheed Hercules C-130
CIA proprietary Lockheed C-130s freely crossed
the Mexican border and off-loaded their white powder in secured military bases.
At least 50 pilots[6] were involved in
this covert operation with aircraft landing at El Toro, Homestead AFB, March
AFB, Carlsbad AFB and other locations.
The Lockheed C-130A/E
Hercules is
a four-engine turboprop military transport aircraft capable of using
unprepared runways for takeoffs and landings;
the C-130A had a maximum payload of
10,000 pounds; the C-130E had a maximum payload of 42,000 pounds. Fuel capacity was added to the
C-130A/E models in the form of external pylon-mounted tanks at the end of the
wings.
It was the perfect aircraft for ferrying guns
south and cocaine north. The C-130A/Es
were owned by SETCO, Southern Air Transport, Evergreen International Airlines
and others. Air America, owned and controlled by the federal government and
operated by the CIA, went out of business in 1976 with much of the air fleet
acquired by Evergreen International Airlines. The Air America fleet included
C-130E aircraft. Lockheed produced a civilian version of the C-130E in the
Lockheed L-100. Stretch versions were produced in the Lockheed L-100-20 and the
L-100-30. The payload of the L-100-30
was slightly over 54,000 pounds.[7]
CIA proprietary airlines
were able to obtain C-130’s in the 1980s by swapping outdated C-119s until the
government ruled this swap illegal and shut it down; two men served time in
prison but not before over 40 C-130s were in the fleet of CIA proprietary
airlines.
Robert Tosh Plumlee, former CIA contract pilot,
who flew into El Toro and other military bases during Iran/Contra, gave me a
first person account of how C-130s were used at El Toro to offload tons of
cocaine in the early morning hours when the airfield was closed to normal
operations. This former CIA contract pilot has no fear, despite the hollow
threats of death and physically beatings.
Through interviews with this former CIA contract
pilot[8] and others close
to the action, I discovered the aircraft off loaded their deadly cargo in the
Southwest portion of El Toro, an area that was the location of two huge
hangars, each over 200,000 square feet in area. I worked and slept on duty
watch in one of these hangers for 20 months in the 1960s.
You couldn’t pick a more isolated location at El
Toro; far from base housing, barracks, and bachelor officer quarters and the
prying eyes of others. Weapons could
easily be stored in one of six hangar bays with no questions asked by
Marines. Commercial trucks with
authorized passes could access the base prior to scheduled landings, and
quickly load the white powder for delivery to drug dealers.
All it takes to pull this off is a government
willing to sell cocaine to its own citizens to fund a covert operation not
approved by Congress and a military that looks the other way.
[1]
Smoked by thousands at $5 to $10 a ‘rock’: Cocaine is dissolved in a solution
of sodium bicarbonate and water, and boiled. Crack, a solid substance,
separates from the boiling mixture and is allowed to dry. The crack cocaine is then broken or cut
into "rocks," each typically weighing from one-tenth to one-half of a
gram.
[3] (Allegations of
CIA Involvement in Drug Trafficking , 1996): http://www.bing.com/videos/search?q=michael+ruppert+la+cocaine+video&view=detail&mid=1EC5A10C99659B005D2C1EC5A10C99659B005D2C&FORM=VIRE1
[7] Specifications for the Hercules C-130E were obtained from the U.S. Air
Force Fact Sheet, C-130 Hercules, published on September 1, 2003.
Specification for the Lockheed
L-100, L-100-20 and L-100-30 were obtained in “The Lockheed L-100 Hercules,”
Wings of the Web, AIRLINERS.NET.
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